HMCS AURORA

The period during which HMCS AURORA served in the Royal Canadian Navy, was a difficult one for any warship.  It was a period when the world, emerging from the horrors of the First World War, was trying to convince itself that man would never need again the trappings of war.  Survival for a man-of-war was a problem and, in the end, did not prove to be feasible for the light cruiser.

At sea, Canada’s war-time activities had been relatively minor.  Auxiliary vessels of various sizes had patrolled her coastal waters, but her chief representatives had been two cruisers, HMCS RAINBOW in the Pacific and HMCS NIOBE in the Atlantic.  They were old and, after a short tenure of service off their respective coasts, they had been reduced to depot ships, NIOBE ceasing operations at sea on 17 July 1915 and RAINBOW on 14 December 1916.  At the end of the War, the two long-obsolete and unworkable ships were fit only for scrap.  Both had been acquired originally as training ships and, if the Naval Service were to continue in Canada, they would have to be replaced.

An event closely affecting the interests of the Naval Service occurred in November 1919 when Admiral of the Fleet Viscount Jellicoe of Scapa, GCB, OM, GCV, visited Canada.  The Admiral arrived in Esquimalt on the 8^th of the month in HM Battle Cruiser New Zealand and went on eventually to Ottawa.  Here he submitted a report to Parliament in which he suggested four plans for a Canadian Navy, the maintenance of which would cost the country the respective annual sums of five, ten, seventeen and a half, and twenty-five millions of dollars.  The ten-million dollar scheme, which he considered would merely give protection to the Dominion’s trade and to her ports, proposed the acquiring of three light cruisers, one flotilla leader, twelve torpedo craft with one parent ship, and several auxiliary small craft for training purposes.  Lord Jellicoe stated that if either of the two larger schemes were adopted, real help could be given to the naval defence of the Empire as a whole.  If the ten-million dollar scheme were favoured, Canada would be in a position to protect her own interests defensively, but it would fall to the lot of Britain, with the assistance of the other dominions, to carry on naval operations in the event of war. [1]

The decision of the Government relative to these proposals was given in the House of Commons on 25 March 1920 by the Honourable Mr. Ballantyne, Minister of the Naval Service.  He stated that action was to be deferred on a permanent naval policy because of Canada’s heavy financial commitments and because Great Britain herself had not arrived at a permanent policy.  The whole question of naval defence of the Empire would be discussed in the forthcoming Imperial Conference and all such problems could then be threshed out.  In the meantime, he said, the Government had decided to direct the Canadian Naval Service along pre-war lines and, accordingly, had accepted an offer from Great Britain of one light cruiser and two torpedo boat destroyers.

Keeping the pre-war policy in mind, instructions were issued by the Minister for the complete demobilization of all but the most efficient and necessary among the naval and civil personnel of the Department. [2]

In December 1919, the Canadian Government had been informed that the British Government had authorized the Admiralty to offer, as gifts to the Dominion governments, any surplus warships which might help them to develop their naval forces.  The end of January 1920 had been set as a dead-line for acceptance of these ships, but it was extended to 15 March at the request of the Canadian Government, since it required the approval of Parliament which was not sitting until 20 February.  Later the dead-line was further extended.  On 24 March, the Naval Service announced that it had accepted the offer of one light cruiser of the “Bristol” Class and two destroyers.  On 26 May, the news came from Britain that the cruiser, HMS Glasgow, and the two destroyers, HM Ships Patriot and Patrician, had been selected for Canada. [3]

Captain Walter Hose, RCN, who was Naval Assistant to the Minister of the Naval Service, was summoned to the presence of the Honourable Mr. Ballantyne and informed that Canada had accepted the ships, as well as the submarines, CH-14 and CH-15. [4] Captain Hose was of the opinion that a more suitable combination in so small a fleet would have been made by a flotilla leader and six destroyers, but was informed that the offer had been accepted and that it was too late to make a change.

The Naval Assistant then insisted that, if the combination must be maintained, Glasgow, for all her well-earned fame, [5] should not be chosen.  She was obsolete and coal-burning. [6] To train men in a coal-burning ship would be a waste of time.  Such a ship would require the maintaining of coal stations which, to the largely oil-burning Imperial ships, would be useless.  During manoeuvres in which Canadian and Imperial ships were taking part, it would be preferable if all burned the same fuel.  There was also the factor of obsolescence to be taken into account.  Were they to accept the offer of Glasgow, the Government and the Naval Service would raise against themselves the same ridicule to which they had been subjected when NIOBE and RAINBOW had been acquired.  At such a time, with the armed services in disrepute, it would be inadvisable to give more fuel for attack to their enemies. [7]

On 15 June 1920, Captain Hose discussed these points in London with Vice-Admiral Sir Osmond De B. Brock, KCB, KCMG, KCVO, Deputy Chief of the Naval Staff, who promised to bring them to the notice of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty for their consideration.

On 29 June, the Secretary of State for the Colonies was commanded by the Lords Commissioners to inform Canada’s Governor-General that they would be happy to substitute an oil-burning cruiser for Glasgow.  On 4 August, Captain Hose was informed by the Secretary of the Admiralty that either of the “Arethusa” Class cruisers, AURORA or Royalist, could be selected as the substitute.  Both ships were oil-burners and were in reserve.  AURORA was in a somewhat better condition in regard to boilers and the Lords Commissioners recommended her. [8]

The Canadian Government, which had been backing up Captain Hose in his campaign to obtain an oil-burning cruiser, authorized him, on learning of this offer, to accept AURORA.  At the same time, it emphasized that she would have to be refitted and alterations and additions made to suit conditions which would be confronted in Canadian waters.  The Admiralty agreed to turn the ship over without cost as she lay, but all work done on the cruiser would have to be at Canadian expense. [9]

 Captain Hose reported to Ottawa on 24 August 1920, that the preliminary estimate for fitting out AURORA was £10,495, exclusive of machinery.  The estimate included defects, alterations and additions previously approved by the Admiralty for a ship being brought forward for commissioning, along with alterations necessary to install a centralized storekeeping system and a system of oil fuel heating for the bunkers.  The figure was revised in September to £17,780, of which sum £7,820 was the estimated cost for a magazine cooling plant, construction of a cold room, cost of machines and reconditioning them. [10]

AURORA had her refit at Devonport.  At the same time as it was taking place, the destroyers, PATRIOT and PATRICIAN, were being refitted for the Canadian Navy at Portsmouth.  When it came to manning the three ships, difficulty was encountered.  Most of the ratings were found in Canada, although some were recruited in Britain and others were lent by the Admiralty.  Chief petty officers were early applicants and were usually well over-age.  At the end of September, it was stated that, while recruiting was showing better results, there was a shortage of petty officers.  Many were to be had but, like the chiefs, they were handicapped by the age limit. [11] The raising of the age limit for chiefs and petty officers from 36 to 40 on 1 October 1920 [12] and from 40 to 45 on 1 January 1921, [13] helped to ameliorate the situation.

The officers for the most part were supplied by the Canadian service, but several came from the Royal Navy, including Captain H. G. H. Adams, CBE, RN, who was lent by the Admiralty to command AURORA.  Canadian, however, were Lieutenant George C. Jones, RCN, and Lieutenant Charles T. Beard, RCN, who were appointed to command PATRICIAN and PATRIOT respectively. [14]

All three ships were transferred to Canadian authorities and placed in commission in the Royal Canadian Navy on 1 November 1920. [15]

Aurora, the Roman goddess of the dawn, with her suggestions of brilliance and splendour, had a name which was and is understandably popular with name-givers both in Britain and in other nations. [16]

The first AURORA in the Royal Navy was a 946-ton prize taken from the French in 1758 and broken up in 1762. [17]

Second of the name was a 32-gun frigate, built in Chatham about 1766 and lost at sea in 1769. [18]

A 28-gun frigate of 1777 was the third AURORA.  She was present at the successful attack on the French-held island of St. Lucia in 1778.  In 1798, she was with Admiral of the Blue Sir John Jervis, Earl St. Vincent, during his blockade of Cadiz.  After passing the summer and autumn off this port, AURORA was detached with a squadron picked from the blockading ships to proceed against the island of Minorca.  On 15 November, eight days after the squadron appeared off the north coast, the island capitulated.

AURORA took the French cutter, Narcisse, on 18 June 1794 and the Spanish Receviso, 6, on 8 May 1798.  She destroyed the French Égalité, 20, on 22 June 1798, and captured the Spanish Velosa Aragonesa, 30, on 16 September 1798. [19]

AURORA was present at the blockading of Genoa in May 1800. The port was held by the French under General Masséna who, under the stress of blockade and siege by the Austrians, agreed to evacuate on 4 June. [20]

On 11 November 1808, AURORA was with Franchise, 36, and other ships when the harbour of Samana in Santo Domingo was seized from the French.  This was an important move, as it secured British shipping from the attacks of privateers who had always made the port a principle base.  The town of Santo Domingo also fell, this on 6 June 1809, before a small British military force, aided by a blockade set up by Polyphemus, 64, AURORA and eight small craft. [21]

The frigate was broken up in 1814. [22]

AURORA the fourth was a prize (Aurore) of 32 guns, captured from the French at Toulon in 1793.  It is stated by one authority that she was serving as a prison ship at Gibraltar on 1 January 1799.  The same authority credits the captures of Receviso and Velosa Aragonesa, the destruction of Égalité and the exploit at Samana, to this ship rather than to AURORA, third of name. [23]

On 26 February 1814, a 1083-ton French ship, Clorinde of 40 guns, was sailing nearly due west of Ushant, heading for Brest, when she was engaged by Eurotas, 38, later reinforced by Dryad, 36, and Achates, 16.  Taken prize, she was added to the Royal Navy as AURORA, fifth of name.  From December 1833 or earlier, she served as a coal depot at Falmouth.  She was broken up in 1851. [24]

The sixth ship with the name of AURORA was a single screw wooden frigate of 35 guns, launched at Pembroke 22 June 1861.  She served at Heligoland, protecting British interests, during the Prusso-Danish War of 1864, and at Barbados during riots in 1865.  During the Fenian troubles in 1866, she was sent by the Commander-in-Chief of the North America and West Indies station to drop anchor at Quebec.  Under the direction of her Commanding Officer, Captain Algernon Frederick Rous de Horsey, men from the ship and a smaller vessel, Pylades, manned gunboats in the summer months to operate in Lakes Ontario, Erie and Huron. [25]  In 1881, the ship was broken up.

AURORA, 12, seventh of name, was a 5,600 ton iron-clad twin-screw cruiser launched at Pembroke in October 1887 and completed two years later.  She is particularly remembered for the part she played during the Boxer troubles in China in 1900.  Officers and men in her were with Vice-Admiral Sir E. H. Seymour, KCB, when seamen and marines from several nations entrained from Tientsin to attempt a relief of Peking, which was then under siege.  Along with men from the cruiser Endymion, they manned one of the trains, which had eventually to be abandoned after the line was cut by the Boxers.

Clowes has pointed out that the occasion was unique: “On a purely military expedition, yet without the support of a single soldier, seamen and marines of eight nationalities, European, American and Asiatic, served together under a British flag-officer for a fortnight.” [26]

Following the despatch of the Expedition, Captain Edward Henry Bayly, Commanding Officer of AURORA, was left in charge of British forces at Tientsin.  Another officer from AURORA, Lieutenant Charles D. Roper, with fifty men, was sent from Tientsin to Tongshan to protect British railway servants there.  Lieutenant G. B. Powell, also of AURORA, assisted Russian forces with a 6-pounder against Boxer attacks on Tientsin.  On 24 June, Captain Bayly made arrangements with the Russian general for the despatch of the force which relieved Vice-Admiral Seymour at Haiku, five miles distant.

When Peking was finally entered on 14 August 1900, men from seven British ships, including AURORA, were in the army of 20,100 men of seven nationalities marching under Lieutenant-General Sir Alfred Gaselee.

AURORA was broken up at Milford Haven in 1907. [27]

The eighth AURORA was the ship whose history is dealt with in the present narrative.

Ninth of the AURORAS was an auxiliary small craft of the First World War.  It was known as AURORA II and was commanded by a Skipper RNR. [28]

The tenth AURORA was a light cruiser of the “Arethusa” Class, with a displacement of 5,220 tons.  She was launched at Portsmouth in 1936.  An interesting story is told of this ship by an erstwhile enemy. [29] While returning from the evacuation of Spitzbergen with a cruiser force under Rear-Admiral P. L. Vian on 6-7 September 1941, she entered Posangerfiord, Norway.  Here a small German convoy was found and she and the cruiser, Nigeria, sank the gunnery training ship, Bremse.  The two troop transports, Trautenfels and Barcelona, with more than 1000 men of the Sixth Mountain Division aboard, managed to get into the fiord and escape.

The ship was sold to China in 1948. [30]

To return to the early history of AURORA, eighth of name, with which the present narrative is concerned, it is to be noted that she was launched at Devonport on 30 September 1913 and commissioned into the Royal Navy on 5 September 1914. [31]  In October, she was added to the Fourth Destroyer Flotilla with the Grand Fleet.  Based at Harwich on the east coast of England, she and her destroyers took part in many operations which included patrolling, searching for enemy submarines and escorting mine-layers and seaplane carriers. [32]

One of AURORA’s most notable actions took place on 24 January 1915 at Dogger Bank when she was the first ship to sight and engage the enemy.  Shortly after 0700, as she led her destroyers, she made out a three-funnelled cruiser and four destroyers on her starboard beam.  The cruiser was the German Navy’s Kolberg and, at 0715, the enemy opened fire on AURORA at a range of over 8000 yards.  The first shots were fairly accurate and AURORA was hit slightly three times but, after she replied and began to score hits in her turn, the other’s fire became ragged.  In about ten minutes, a shell was seen to explode under Kolberg’s fore bridge and the enemy cruiser turned away to the eastward. [33]

On the night of 23 January 1917, AURORA was off the coast of Holland with the cruisers, Centaur and Conquest, when she met a German destroyer flotilla.  AURORA seems to have been the first to sight the destroyers and the first to open fire.  Two torpedoes were fired at her and both missed.  The enemy escaped in the darkness, although one of their shapes was later crippled.

AURORA also had her experience with hostile aircraft.  On 14 July 1917, she and other cruisers and destroyers were escorting tugs and barges from the Hook of Holland, when they were attacked from the air.  The attack, however, was unsuccessful.

After joining the Royal Canadian Navy, AURORA acquired a badge which can only be described as typically Canadian, depicting as it did a beaver stationed on a log.

The silk White Ensign which had been presented to HMCS NIOBE by Her Majesty the Queen on the occasion of that cruiser’s commissioning at Devonport in October 1910, was transferred to AURORA after the Queen’s consent to the transfer had been obtained on 16 August 1921. [34] In October 1920, Captain Adams suggested that NIOBE’s silver plate, as well as that from HMCS RAINBOW, be placed at his disposal for distribution to AURORA, PATRIOT and PATRICIAN, reasoning that the three ships were the natural successors of the earlier ones.  The argument was considered a logical one and was eventually accorded approval. [35]

AURORA was joined by PATRIOT and PATRICIAN on 25 November 1920, the destroyers having sailed from Portsmouth after completing defects and alterations. [36]  These ships had been commissioned into the Royal Navy on 17 June and 27 July 1916, respectively, for service in the destroyer flotillas of the Grand Fleet.  Until the end of the war, they had been employed on patrol and anti-submarine duties in the North Sea. [37]

On 27 November, AURORA carried out a partial defect trial involving three hours steaming.  While it was satisfactory, trials of the machinery of the cooling plants were not, and the sailing of the ships for North America was postponed a day after that originally chosen, to enable the Dockyard to show better results.  Although later attempts failed to satisfy completely, Captain Adams did not feel he was justified in further deferring departure, because of arrangements which had already been made for the supplying, during the passage, of oil fuel and other necessities, as well as the desirability of arriving in Canada as soon as possible.  Besides, he considered it probable that the ships’ officers would be able to make en route the adjustments the machinery required. [38]

Meanwhile, in Canada, preparations were being made to receive the ships.  No longer was it a question of dealing with coal-burners; hence, provision would have to be made for the supplying of fuel oil on both coasts.  A proposal was made to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty that they should furnish to the Department of the Naval Service from their reserve, supply sufficient to meet immediate requirements.  This they consented to do on condition that the Canadian Government made arrangements for its storage at Halifax and Victoria and that it be used exclusively for Canadian and Imperial naval purposes.  The erection of tanks was not held to be justifiable at the time by the officials of the Department, because of the expense involved and the uncertainty of the future.  Arrangements were therefore made to rent tanks on both coasts from Imperial Oil Ltd. [39]

Departure from Plymouth was made finally on 1 December 1920, Captain Adams deciding to take advantage of a rising glass and favourable wind and weather reports, to sail at 0800.  The good weather, however, failed to hold and, by 1800, all ships were hove to in a southerly gale.  There was some consolation to be found in the fine sea-going qualities displayed by the ships in the rough seas.  Some discomfort, nevertheless, was caused in AURORA by small leaks in the upper decks and other places.  These were put right by the ship’s staff. [40]

Trouble was encountered on the 5^th when, at 1800, the engines stopped and all lights went out.  It was traced to a fuel tank which has been invaded by water.  The change-over to another tank delayed the ship for an hour. [41]

Although, after the initial stages, there followed some moderation of the sea’s fury, weather conditions remained such that the Squadron did not reach Fayal in the Azores until 1545 of 6 December 1920.  No fresh provisions were to be had here except at exorbitant prices, and fuelling turned out to be a problem.  A large swell had settled into the bay and, when the destroyers went alongside the oiler, they had to keep up steam while being refuelled. [42]

In the cases of AURORA and PATRIOT, the estimate made of their fuel expenditure, was found to be grossly under-estimated.  Captain Adams used various methods in an attempt to cut down the expenditure in the cruiser. [43]

During the voyage to Halifax and, later, when she proceeded to Esquimalt, lengthy tests were carried out to ascertain what speed was most economical.  Commercial oil was tested along with that of the Admiralty, to determine and eventually adopt that which was most efficient and economical. [44]

In regard to his ship’s performance, Captain Adams was of the opinion that, though AURORA was a “good sea boat and not lacking in stability”, she was so wet at sea that in the sort of weather she must expect to encounter in the Atlantic, it would be found almost impossible to fight the guns on the weather side. [45]

On 8 December, the destroyers having completed their oiling and better weather conditions prevailing, the Squadron sailed from Fayal on the next leg to Bermuda.  Until the 13^th, weather conditions were reasonably good.  Some heavy weather then set in, lasting for twenty-four hours.  During the passage, the ship’s company were kept busy, range-finding exercises being carried out on all working days, as well as training in the use of guns and taking part in firing exercises. [46]

PATRICIAN had trouble on the 9^th.  Her engines stopped at 1430 and she reported a leaky condenser tube.  The defect was made good by 1650. [47]

The Squadron arrived in Grassy Bay, Bermuda, at 1130, 15 December 1920.  Captain Adams decided to pass a day more than scheduled in the islands, because the destroyers had not been able to let out their fires at Fayal and consequently needed the extra day to make good small repairs. [48]

The Squadron sailed from Bermuda on 18 December 1920 and made landfall at Halifax on the 21^st.  After entering the harbour, they were inspected by the Governor-General, the Duke of Devonshire, the Minister of the Naval Service, the Honourable C. C. Ballantyne, and the Acting Director of the Naval Service, Captain Hose. [49]

On 23 December 1920, Captain Henry G. H. Adams, CBE, RN, was appointed Senior Officer Commanding Canadian Squadron.  As from this date, HMC Ships AURORA, PATRIOT and PATRICIAN were allocated to the Canadian Squadron. [50] The submarines, CH-14 and CH-15 and the depot ship were also attached to the Squadron. [51]

While in Halifax, the ships underwent a thorough examination.  The Consulting Naval Engineer, Acting Engineer-Commander T. C. Phillips, RCN, in a memorandum to the Director of the Naval Service, observed that there appeared to be no appreciable alteration from the original design of PATRIOT and PATRICIAN and that no question arose as to their being stable and seaworthy.  The same thing, he went on, could not be said of AURORA, considerable weight having been added to this ship since she had been designed and constructed.  Besides additions of various kinds, stores far in excess of the amount originally allowed were stowed aboard, while two fresh-water tanks aft, which were not being used, helped to aggravate loss of stability.

Engineer-Commander Phillips also reported on the condition of the ships.  In regard to the destroyers, that of PATRICIAN was “much the better” of the two.  PATRIOT did not show serious corrosion or wastage taking place; “rather that certain neglect has been allowed in the past and the well-kept appearance necessary to maintain ships of this class in proper condition is absent”.  AURORA’s condition was generally good.  Later, after examining the cruiser’s machinery and noting the amount of fuel she had expended on her voyage from England, he concluded that, while the main engines appear to be satisfactory, their arrangement did not appear to have been designed with “any consideration for economical working, but rather for constant high speed running, at which high speed, the consumption is not unreasonable.” [52]

On 8 January 1921, the Squadron left Halifax, to proceed to Esquimalt on what was primarily a training cruise.  Exercises similar to those undertaken on the passage from Plymouth, were carried out throughout, while tests were continued to determine the characteristics of the ships and to ascertain what speeds were most economical for them. [53]

Landfall at Bermuda was made on the 11^th of the month.  From these islands, left behind on the 15^th, the Squadron’s route lay through the West Indies, proceeding east of Anguilla and Nevis in the Leeward Islands, then west of Montserrat also in the Leeward Islands, and westward of Grenada at the south end of the Windward Islands, to Trinidad.  On the 20^th, the ships entered the harbour of Port of Spain. [54] Here they were joined by the HM Light Cruisers Calcutta and Constance and, for the period of a week, operations and exercises were engaged in with these ships. [55]

The Squadron sailed from Trinidad on 2 February 1921 and arrived at Panama the 7^th.  The day after the arrival, Captain Adams, as Senior Officer Commanding the Squadron, paid an official visit to the President of Panama.  He was received at the Palace by a guard and band, the latter playing the National Anthem.  The President, who had all the cabinet ministers with him, received him most cordially. [56]

Sailing from Panama the same day, the Squadron passed through the Canal into the Pacific.  Proceeding northward, special exercises in tactics were performed. [57] A call was paid to Corinto, Nicaragua, on the 11^th.  Here the British Vice-Consul extended an invitation from the Nicaraguan government for Captain Adams to visit the capital, Managua, but he was obliged to decline, owning to lack of time. [58]

Sailing from Corinto 12 February 1921, AURORA parted temporarily from her companions and sailed to La Libertad, El Salvador, arriving the following day.  The small British community in this country was happy to welcome the Canadians, while the President of the Republic met the officers at a dinner and reception held at the British consulate.  He also sent cars to La Libertad to convey Captain Adams and six officers to the capital, San Salvador. [59]

AURORA left La Libertad the 15^th and arrived the same day at San José de Guatemala, Guatemala.  In the harbour, a salute was fired in the ship’s honour.  On the occasion of the visit for HM Light Cruiser Cambrian in December, the single gun firing the salute in this ship’s honour, jammed at the third shot, much to the embarrassment of the port authorities.  But a cannon had been despatched in the meantime from the capital, Guatemala City, and AURORA received the full benefit of this gun.

Captain Adams paid an official call on the Commandant of the Port, who returned the visit “accompanied by fifteen ladies of varying ages and sizes.  They were entertained at tea, which they managed to enjoy in spite of sea-sickness”.  The British Minister of Central America noted that “The quiet behaviour of the officers and the orderliness of the men created an excellent impression, the more so as when an American warship puts in, the authorities and inhabitants are subjected to a good deal of annoyance.” [60]

AURORA left San José de Guatemala on 17 February 1921 and entered the harbour of Salina Cruz, Mexico, where she oiled.  On the 21^st, she left for Manzanillo, Mexico, arriving the 23^rd.  PATRIOT and PATRICIAN came in the following day.  In the morning of this latter day, the British Consul brought the Governor of the State of Colima aboard the cruiser.  So pleased with his reception was this guest, that he sent special telegrams to Alvaro Obregon, the President of Mexico, and General Calles, the Secretary of War and Marine, to inform them of the courtesies extended to him and the people of Manzanillo. [61]

Captain Adams found that the people in this port “showed extraordinary enthusiasm for the British flag.” [62]

The Governor was also pleased with a dance aboard AURORA to which he and “the families of Manzanillo” were invited.  In the evening, the “principal people” returned the courtesy by giving a dance in honour of the officers of the AURORA.  It was a complete success, but the officers “expressed great surprise at noticing that every Mexican of the male species (sic), regardless of age or occupation, attended the dance with a large revolver and a belt full of cartridges strapped on to him; retaining these accoutrements all through the dance: particularly calling attention to the fact that the Governor was as heavily armed as anyone.” [63]

Leaving Manzanillo on 25 February 1921, AURORA and the destroyers arrived at San Diego, California, on 2 March 1921, oiling in the port and resuming their voyage on the 5^th.  The Squadron arrived finally in Esquimalt on the 9^th. [64]

With the promise of a stay of several weeks in the Navy’s Pacific base, the Squadron devoted itself to continuing exercising and training, particular attention being directed to gunnery and torpedo training.  Refits were also in the order of things following the long voyage from Halifax.

To keep the ships’ companies busy and interested, as well as to provide valuable training, a sports club and a rifle club were organized. [65]

The Squadron visited Vancouver on 11 March 1921, returning to Esquimalt the 16^th.  Captain Adams reported that the reception accorded to the officers and men was “magnificent and much appreciated by the Squadron.” [66]

The date set for the return voyage to Halifax was postponed several times.  On 5 April 1921, Captain Adams informed the Department that it would be necessary to wait for fans for the destroyers and that this would delay sailing.  He was advised on the 8^th that the Squadron should not proceed until further orders and, in the meantime, he was instructed to carry out exercises in British Columbian waters.  On the 18^th, Ottawa fixed the date as 16 May and, the following day, Captain Adams asked for a postponement until the 18^th, so that oiling of the ships could be arranged for 16-17 May.  Later, this date was further advanced to the 27^th, but even it could not be met owing to unforeseen circumstances. [67]

After completing refits, the Squadron, in pursuance of orders, sailed for Vancouver and then to Comox on Vancouver Island.  Here, forty men from AURORA and ten men from each of the destroyers went ashore and carried out rifle target practice and disciplinary training.  General drill, gunnery and torpedo practice were also engaged in. [68]

On 10 May 1921, AURORA left Comox for Ganges Harbour, Saltspring Island, Vancouver Island.  The destroyers, after visiting Nanaimo on Vancouver Island, joined the cruiser on the 12^th and all three returned to Esquimalt.  AURORA steamed out of Esquimalt independently on the 17^th and 25^th, to engage in two days of gunnery exercises on each occasion. [69]

As noted above, the Squadron’s sailing for the east coast had been fixed for 27 May, but, while entering Nanaimo on the 10^th, PATRIOT had touched ground and the necessary repairs which had followed the accident, delayed departure until June 1921.  On the 3^rd of this month, AURORA and PATRICIAN sailed in the evening for Astoria, Oregon.  PATRIOT was to follow.  The ships had received an invitation from the Governor of the State of Oregon and the Mayor of Portland to participate in the annual rose festival in Portland from the 8^th to the 10^th.  Six United States war vessels were also invited to attend. [70]

After arrival in Astoria at the mouth of the Columbia River, AURORA and PATRICIAN proceeded up river toward Portland, but the cruiser developed steering gear troubles and had to return to Astoria.  She was unable to make the defects good in time to attend the festival and the destroyers had to represent the Squadron, PATRICIAN arriving in Portland on the 7^th and PATRIOT, who had left Esquimalt a day after the others, on the 8^th. [71]

Following the festival, the destroyers returned down river and rejoined AURORA.  The Squadron then resumed their voyage southward on 11 June 1921.  During the passage, exercises were carried out whenever the state of the weather permitted.  These included night-firing, tactics and range-taking exercises. [72]

A fuelling stop was made at San Pedro, California, on the 14^th, and, two days later, the Squadron resumed the southern passage, entering Magdalena Bay, Mexico, on the 22^nd.  Here the ships carried out an extensive programme of general drills, boat-pulling, and torpedo and gunnery exercises.  Permission to use the quiet and extensive bay had been granted by local Mexican officials. [73]

Four days were passed there and the ships then went on to spend another four-day period at Acapulco.  In this port, which they left on 30 June 1921, there was no British consul, but a very acceptable substitute was made by the United State Consul, who did everything he could to make the stay of the ships agreeable.  He introduced Captain Adams to the officials of the town, gave advice on the selection and buying of provisions, and helped in other ways. [74]

After a fuelling stop at Salina Cruz, the ships shaped course on 3 July 1921 for Costa Rica.  First plans had selected Puerta Culebra as the port of call in this country, but its government had pointed out that the port was unsuitable for the visit of warships, as the usual salutes and other international courtesies could not be provided there.  This reasoning prompted the British Minister to suggest Punta Arenas as a substitute, it being in direct railway communication with the capital, San José. [75]

En route to the Costa Rican port, AURORA detached off the Guatemalan coast to enter the harbour of San José de Guatemala and embark the British Minister at Guatemala, he having earlier requested conveyance to La Libertad, El Salvador. [76]

The Squadron entered the harbour of Punta Arenas about midday of 6 July 1921.  Salutes were exchanged with the shore battery.  The British Minister of Costa Rica and Panama arrived in the town in a special train, accompanied by a deputation from the British residents of San José.  Captain Adams accepted an invitation from the deputation to visit the capital.  His acceptance was particularly urged by the Minister because he believed the visit would strengthen his hands in negotiations with the government over claims of the Royal Bank of Canada and the regranting of oil concessions which had been taken away from a British company. [77]

The government itself provided a train for the officers to run between Punta Arenas and the capital, and issued a special invitation to them to attend a gala performance at the Opera.  The same invitation was extended to the officers of the Italian cruiser, Libia, then lying at Limón on the Caribbean coast.  The President, Julio Acosta Gárcia, himself attended the performance and invited Captain Adams to a place in his box. [78]

The Squadron sailed from Punta Arenas on 9 July 1921.  It had been planned earlier to oil at Panama, but a decision was made later to proceed straight through the Canal and oil at Colón on the Atlantic side instead, this because increased draught caused by oiling in the Pacific would mean heavier canal dues.  The ships arrived in Colon on the evening of the 11^th and they departed the following day for Jamaica. [79]

The arrival of the Squadron in Jamaica on 14 July 1921, took the inhabitants of Kingston a little aback, they not having expected it so soon.  For this reason, the reception they had planned did not take place until two days later.  At this time, however, flags were displayed in the city and all vessels in the harbour dressed themselves in honour of the visitors.  The Bishop of Jamaica, who was chairman of a welcoming committee, was received on AURORA’s quarter-deck by Captain Adams.  The Bishop spoke of the friendship binding Canada and the island and expressed a hope of good things to come from the trade agreement arrived at by the two countries at a conference held the previous year at Ottawa.  A hearty welcome ashore was extended to all.  On Saturday afternoon, a regatta was held by the Royal Jamaica Yacht Club to which the ships were invited.  PATRICIAN left her mooring to drop anchor in front of the clubhouse. [80]

On 18 July 1921, the Squadron sailed for Halifax, stopping en route at Bermuda from the 22^nd to the 27^th.  Landfall was made in the home port on the 30th. [81]

After arrival in Halifax, the ships were not long inactive.  A short cruise, in fact, began on 10 August 1921, when AURORA and PATRICIAN left the harbour to pay a visit to Sydney.  In the Cape Breton port, they remained until the 15^th, when they sailed for Prince Edward Island.  PATRIOT, who had been delayed in Halifax, sailed the same date and met them so that she was able to accompany them into the harbour at Charlottetown on the 16^th.  All returned to Halifax on the 19^th. [82]

From 22 to 26 August 1921, a series of exercises took place.  They were carried out jointly with the local military garrison and air force.  They included all the steps that would have to be taken for the defence of Halifax harbour.  Prominent in them were anti-submarine exercises in which the submarines, CH-14 and CH-15, took part.  These vessels had been commissioned on 3 March of the same year.  Their crews were largely obtained by local recruiting and were trained by a Lieutenant, RN, who had served during the war in the Imperial Submarine Service. [83]

The Eight Light Cruiser Squadron – – HM Ships Raleigh, Calcutta, Constance and Cambrian – – under the command of the Commander-in-Chief North America and West Indies Station, Admiral Sir William C. Pakenham, KCB, KCMG, KCVO, cruised about the St. Lawrence River and Newfoundland waters during the summer, [84] and, as they were intending to visit Montreal, AURORA, PATRIOT and PATRICIAN, were sailed on 27 August to represent the Canadian Navy in that port.  The Canadian ships arrived on 1 September 1921.  Here they were inspected by the Governor-General, Viscount Byng of Vimy, and the Minister of the Naval Service, C. C. Ballantyne.  The ships were opened to the public for several days and were visited by large crowds. [85]

A call was paid to Quebec City on the 9^th.  Five days later, the Squadron steamed back down the river, arriving in Halifax on the 17^th. [86]

On 20 September 1921, the Squadron with the submarines, sailed to Saint John, where they were inspected by the Lieutenant-Governor of New Brunswick and the Mayor of Saint John. [87]

In October 1921, a Youth’s Training Establishment was opened in Halifax Dockyard, this in connection with the development of a purely Canadian Naval Service.  It was housed in the old Naval College building and it was hoped that it would have eventually 100 boys in training.  By the end of November, fifty-six youths were entered for training as seamen and stokers.  The establishment was, however, to have a short life, for it was closed in June the following year, following reduction in Naval estimates. [88]

As for the ships, they lay in Halifax undergoing refits.  One busy week, however, during the period, was devoted to exercises taken in conjunction with ships of the North America and West Indies Station. [89]

The refits were to be finished by 1 December 1921.  Instructions were given to this effect, as it was intended to send the Squadron to southern waters for exercises.  The submarines were to proceed as far as Bermuda only. [90] In November, in view of seasonal weather conditions, it was considered advisable to sail these vessels at once, to be followed by AURORA and the destroyers on 1 December, as planned.  The date of departure of the larger ships, however, was later postponed to 10 December 1921, to enable entitled ranks and ratings to cast their votes in the general elections held that month. [91]

During the passage of AURORA and the destroyers to Bermuda, a severe hurricane was encountered.  The seas were extremely violent and the ships were obliged to run before the storm. [92]

On 14 December 1921, AURORA, PATRIOT and PATRICIAN joined the submarines in Bermuda.  A programme for a cruise in the West Indies had been drawn up before the Squadron left Halifax, but the dating had to be amended due to the necessity for repairs to AURORA after her battle with the hurricane. [93] However, the cruiser and the destroyers were able to sail on the 27^th.  St. Kitts was visited on the 30^th, and Roseau, Dominica, on 4 January 1922.  The Squadron then went on to Barbados on 7 January, to Grenada on the 17^th and Trinidad on the 19^th.   [94]

The programme for the Squadron, which had been made up before its departure, consisted of gunnery, torpedo and tactical exercises, to be carried out during two lengthy stays at Trinidad.  A part of the time was to be occupied by combined exercises on a larger scale with the Imperial Light Cruiser Squadron. [95] The programme allowed for an interval of ten days during which the Squadron would be absent from Trinidad.  It began on 21 February 1922, when the Squadron sailed for Georgetown, British Guiana. Arriving in the mainland colony on the 22^nd, the ships remained there until 1 March 1922, when they turned around and returned to Trinidad. [96]

On 21 February 1922, Captain Adams had requested permission from the Department to embark the Governor of Trinidad and Tobago following the return from British Guiana, and convey His Excellency to Tobago.  Approval having been received, AURORA sailed independently for Tobago on 7 March and returned to Trinidad two days later. [97]

In Canada during this time, events were taking shape which were eventually to prove fatal for AURORA.  In the December elections, the Liberals had been returned to power, and one of their first acts was to cut a million dollars from the naval vote.  The Minister of the Naval Service was obliged to inform Captain Hose, then Director of the Naval Service, that $1,500,000 was all that would be allowed to the Navy and that he would have to do what he could with the sum. [98]

Two courses of action stood out clearly for the Director:

1. He could maintain AURORA. If he followed this course, all the rest would have to go.
2. He could pay off AURORA and continue to maintain PATRIOT and PATRICIAN. Four minesweepers could also be commissioned, while it would be possible to organize a reserve force of 1500 officers and men, which would offset the loss of trained men and training establishments.  The dockyards at Halifax and Esquimalt could also be maintained to a limited extent. [99]

A reserve force was an institution close to the Director’s heart.  He felt that it would be valuable because it would be distributed across Canada, rather than flourish on the sea coasts only, and so would bring the Navy home to a great number of inland people who, being far from the ocean, did not have much appreciation for the necessity of maintaining safe sea communications.  So, weighing all considerations, he decided on the second alternative. [100]

The decision had the immediate effect of shortening the cruise of the Squadron.  On 20 March 1922, Captain Hose noted in a memo to the Minister that the Squadron’s programme carried on into the next fiscal year.  He suggested, therefore, that it be cancelled at once and that approval be given him to send instructions to Captain Adams to return by 31 March or as near to that date as possible, so that oil fuel and other expenses should not be incurred outside of Canada after the fiscal year. [101]

The Squadron was consequently ordered to complete with oil at Trinidad, sail to Bermuda, pick up the submarines there and, after loading fuel sufficient only to take them home, return to Halifax.  Following these orders, the ships steamed out of Port of Spain on 30 March and raised Bermuda on 4 April.  On the 8^th, they left these islands and were in their home base on 11 April 1922. [102]

While AURORA lay in Halifax awaiting what might be considered to be her death sentence, she was visited by a reporter from the Halifax “Sunday Leader”.  Worthy of quotation is his description of life aboard the ship at that time: “The Leader reporter was not a seafaring man and not familiar with nautical terms.  He found the AURORA a sleek, gray, pugnacious looking craft, decks gleaming and brass like mirrors, guns, torpedoes and boats littering the decks in orderly array; sailors running about at the command of strange pipings by a bugler and shouted orders; jangling of smaller bells punctuated by deeper sounding as the quarter hours were tolled; mazes of signals and speaking tubes, smiling officers, tidy and alert sailors all in that environment of mystery and romance that is found only on board a man-of-war.” [103]

The policy for the Navy’s immediate future had been settled by this time.  The Dominion’s Naval Defence measures were to be organized on a reserve or Naval militia basis, with a small permanent force as a training nucleus.  Regretfully, AURORA had to go.  Mine-sweeping, the examination service, the manning of port war signal stations, patrols and other coast defence responsibilities of the Navy were held to be of the first importance and, if they were kept up, there would be nothing left to maintain a light cruiser. [104]

The destroyers were to remain in commission although the submarines were to pay off.  AURORA received her formal notice on 23 May 1922:  she was instructed to make every endeavour to complete paying off by 1 July. [105]

Instructions were issued to Captain Adams for the destoring of the ship.  The oil fuel was to be discharged and the hull, machinery and boilers were to be prepared for laying-up.  The bores of the guns were to be lacquered and hermetically-sealed at breach and muzzle. [106]

These orders were followed so strictly that, at the required time, the cruiser was ready.  Consequently, HMCS AURORA was paid off at 0900, Saturday, 1 July 1922. [107] The submarines, CH-14 and CH-15, had been paid off on the preceding day, 30 June. [108]

Officers and men in AURORA, who were on loan from the Royal Navy, returned to England and Royal Canadian Navy officers and men required for the service were transferred to PATRIOT and PATRICIAN.  The former of these destroyers was to serve in the Atlantic, while PATRICIAN would eventually sail to Esquimalt to be stationed on the Pacific coast.  A number of trawlers also were to be maintained on each coast for mine-sweeping, mine-laying and other port defence training. [109] By 10 August, regular personnel had been reduced to eighty officers and 250 men. [110]  Until the following year, unless they were borne on the books of Royal Navy ships, their names appeared in the books of the depot ship, HMCS GUELPH.  PATRIOT and PATRICIAN were independent commands, but the ledgers of each vessel were kept in GUELPH. [111]

The National Defence Act of 1922 established a Department of National Defence of Canada, with one Minister and one Deputy Minister, in place of the previous system of separate departments each with its own Minister and Deputy Minister.  The Act received Royal Assent on 28 June.[112]

As regards AURORA, it was with a heavy heart that Captain Hose issued the orders to put her out of service.  Nevertheless, he and others were confident that, despite appearances, there was a future for the Navy, and this recognition was revealed by his encouragement of the development of the reserve forces.

In August 1922, the berth at Jetty No. 5 lately occupied by HMCS NIOBE, was made available for AURORA.  The moorings needed a certain amount of readjusting and a derrick scow was employed to accomplish this.  Men were brought aboard to work the capstan, while tugs moved the ship to the chosen location. [113]

The submarines lay alongside AURORA.  During the winter of 1922-23, the Department directed that care and maintenance work should be continued on all three ships.  Machinery and boiler spaces had to be heated at a prescribed minimum temperature and the machinery, both main and auxiliary, had to be turned at least once weekly.  An engineer lieutenant, aided by a few hands from Barracks, carried out many of the tasks which could do something towards keeping the ships from deteriorating from neglect and disuse.  At the same time, watchmen stayed aboard to keep stoves heated in the engine and boiler rooms and move and clean auxiliary machinery.  They carried out general watch-keeping duties, such as attending to the supply of coal, removal of ashes, and the like. [114]

In the following March, on the 8^th, a storm of unusual severity dumped heavy masses of snow over Halifax.  Considerable damage was done to the Dockyard and the city roads were badly blocked, but it was reported that AURORA held well, as did the submarines moored alongside her. [115]

In the spring of 1923, it was decided to hoist out the guns and their mountings from AURORA.  The old YMCA building in the Dockyard had been bought by the Department, to be reconstructed as a gun drill shed.  This was known later as the Gunnery School.  AURORA’s guns were intended to be put to good use in classes held there, as well as guns especially purchased from England.  They were stated to be in very poor condition.  By 18 May 1923, they had all been removed from the ship and only awaited the completion of the contractor’s work in the School to be installed there. [116]

Once reductions in personnel had been effected by the Autumn of 1922, a fresh start was possible and the numbers were somewhat increased in the following spring.  The Report of the Naval Service for the year ending March 1923, stated that personnel of the RCN were then composed of 405 officers and men.  Some of these were in the Naval Barracks at Halifax and Esquimalt and in HMC Ships PATRIOT and PATRICIAN.  A number also were undergoing courses at RN training schools and some were on loan to ships of the Royal Navy.

There was also the Royal Canadian Naval Reserve which consisted of 500 officers and men drawn from among those following a seafaring life.  Fourteen days training yearly in a naval ship or establishment was required from these men.

The third body, the Royal Canadian Naval Volunteer Reserve, consisted of 1000 officers and men recruited from among Canadian citizens not following the sea as a profession.  They had thirty drills yearly and also underwent a two-week training period each year at the naval bases at either Halifax or Esquimalt. [117]

During the Summer of 1922, sweating in the ship had been reported as very noticeable.  Its effect was a deteriorating one.  Consequently, in the Summer of the following year, heating was kept up to a certain degree to combat it. [118]

As the months and years passed, the cruiser continued immobile, recording the passage of time only by the slow processes of decay which were settling in her.  Still, she was too conspicuous to put her out of one’s thoughts.  Lying at her moorings, she seemed to be a continual reproach to those who had laid her there and, in a passive way, she played a part in changing popular attitudes toward the Navy.  Consciousness of her sad and immobile presence was particularly strong during the Summer of 1924 when the Special Service Squadron visited Halifax.  The Squadron was led by HMS Hood and the smaller battle cruiser, HMS Repluse, along with cruisers of the First Light Cruiser Squadron and the Australian cruiser, Adelaide.  The Squadron was nearing the end of a world cruise, after having rounded Africa, where the ships had stopped at various ports, and called at Singapore and Australia, where Adelaide was picked up, New Zealand, the Fiji Islands, Samoa, the Hawaiian Islands, and British Columbia.  From San Francisco on 10 July 1924, the Squadron had passed on to Jamaica and finally Halifax.  It was in this last port that the first criticisms of the cruise were encountered.  They were voiced by persons of an isolationistic turn of mind.  These people were ready to have their sensibilities pricked and, when Vice-Admiral Sir Frederic Laurence Field, KCB, CMG, who commanded the Squadron, pointed out in a speech that Canada had a long seaboard and, following questioning, suggested that two cruisers would not be excessive for her defence, they set up loud complaints, making such utterances as:  “Admiral Field tells Canada what to do . . . .”  The British Labour press and party quickly caught up the remarks for their own ends.  “We cannot recall”, commented the London “Daily Herald”, “a previous experience where the commanding officer of a squadron has been permitted to flaunt his personal opinions in public on matters of state policy.  Are we to understand they are the views of the Board of Admiralty, and that he has been acting under instructions?”  There were others, however, who agreed that the country was doing nothing for its defence, and they gave vent to their feelings, particularly when they compared the presence of Adelaide, sailing proudly among the British ships, and AURORA “lying behind an island in Bedford Basin [119] ‘dismantled and ready for the scrap heap’”. [120]

In the Spring of 1925, four men were fully employed to watch and maintain AURORA.  Two of these acted as upper deck look-outs, while the remaining two were expected to attend to the heating and drying out of engine and boiler room spaces.  One man from each pair represented the watch.  On 30 April 1926, two men were ordered to be discharged, the two remaining being considered capable of carrying out both preservation and watchmen duties.  The removal of many of the fittings in the ships required less watchfulness of possible pilferers and, as it was at last beginning to be realized that the ship would never again be brought forward for service, preservation duties did not need to be attended to on the same scale as formerly. [121]

In the Spring of this year, also, proposals were made to the Naval Service that AURORA be removed from her berth to one where she would be less conspicuous.  Her appearance was criticized as being unsightly, owing to disuse and lack of upkeep.  Moored as she was in close proximity and in full view of RCN Barracks, the sight of her, it was submitted, was apt to work in a detrimental way on the morale of personnel.  In such a condition, she could only bring discredit upon the RCN and the Department of National Defence as a whole.  Some complained, too, that people asked them embarrassing questions about her and these were difficult to answer. [122]

It was questionable whether she should be kept at all.  If it were desirable to maintain her in a condition of reasonable cleanliness, she would have to be painted and this, it was held, would be costly and would serve no practical purpose.  Partially dismantled as she was, her appearance would still bring discredit on the Service.  Her class was at that time obsolete in the Royal Navy and all vessels belonging to it had been removed from the Navy List.  Even if it were possible to recommission her, it would not be possible to man her.  It would take at least six years, it was estimated, to train sufficient petty officers, engine-room ratings, artificers, etc., to complete the complement of a light cruiser.  Whatever decision was arrived at concerning her future, however, it was felt deeply that one should be made. [123]

The Director of the Naval Service, Captain Hose, after having mulled over these points, observed to the Minister that there were three possible courses that could be followed in regard to the cruiser:

1. She could be left at Halifax. This was not recommended in view of her appearance and the discredit it would bring on the Service.
2. She could be sold for what she could fetch. It was not thought, however, that she would find a ready market.
3. She could be used for target practice and sunk in deep water.

Since the ship had been a gift of the Admiralty, the Director felt that it would be courteous and desirable to obtain their concurrence as to her disposal. [124]

Accordingly, in July 1925, the High Commissioner for Canada in London, the Honourable P. C. Larkin, was asked to obtain the views of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty respecting the advisability of handing the ship over to the Commander-in-Chief, North America and West Indies Station, to be towed to sea and used as a target gunnery practice by the ships on his station.  In the following November, the Lords Commissioners expressed a wish that, for reasons of economy, they preferred that AURORA be sold.  They believed that the Dominion Government would have no objection to the sale price, less expenses, being credited to Navy Votes. [125]

That the ship was saleable for scrap had been made evident in the preceding month of October, when the President of the British Empire Steel Corporation had offered to buy her for that purpose, merely on the strength of his having heard that proposals had been made to dispose of her. [126]

To prepare her for such a sale, it was felt unwise to consider removal of heavy fittings in her, particularly gun shields, torpedo-tubes and racers, these last being built into her.  To strip and remove such parts, including all consequential work, would involve an outlay, it was thought, of several thousands of dollars.  In view of the acute financial situation, it was recommended that removals be limited to useful parts that could be landed by employing all available men from Barracks and the Depot Workshop staffs. [127]

The moving of AURORA from her berth, which would have to be undertaken on her sale, would require the finding of another berth for the submarines secured alongside her.  It was pointed out that if the Department contemplated the disposal of these vessels, much pain and anxiety could be spared it if they were offered for sale at the same time. [128]

In March of the following year, it was decided to retain as much of AURORA’s chain cables and anchors as possible, so that they could be held as a reserve for submarine net defence.  Only sufficient of both to allow the ship to be taken from Halifax by sea to another port, should be left aboard.  What was retained was to be included in the equipment of the ship, who was to be sold “as she lies”.  Such fittings as the torpedo-tubes, which were to remain in the ship, were to be “mutilated”.  As for the submarines, for whose sale approval had been received, their periscopes and other apparatus, which could be considered of a confidential nature, were to be either removed or mutilated. [129]

Approval of the sales of both AURORA and the submarines was given by PC-409 of 9 March 1927.  As required by the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, steps were to be taken by the Department of Naval Services to sell them to the best advantage.  The proceeds of the sale, less all expenses incurred in connection therewith, should be credited to Imperial Naval funds. [130]

Copies of the tender form or offer to purchase were mailed to a number of likely bidders, and the sale was also advertised in several suitable newspapers throughout the Maritime Provinces and Quebec. [131]

The submarines were sold in July 1927 to Mr. John Simon of Halifax.  In the case of AURORA, tenders were received from six firms, the highest being submitted by A. A. Larocque of Sorel, Que., the sum being $40,400.  This tender was accepted in August, with the proviso that the cruiser was to be broken up in Canada to the satisfaction of the Department of the Naval Service. [132]

AURORA was taken by her purchaser from her wharf at 0800, 12 September 1927.  Once the ship had been sold, the Department kept check on the progress made toward breaking her up.  In May 1928, a report was received from the Sorel firm that she had been beached and work was going ahead on her.  Another report, received on 28 September, stated that the breaking-up had been completed. [133]

Following the paying-off of AURORA, the destroyers PATRIOT and PATRICIAN continued to serve in the Navy, the former on the Atlantic, the latter on the Pacific coast.  But their end was near, too.  Worn out in 1927, PATRIOT was paid off in December of that year, PATRICIAN on 1 January 1928.  To replace them, the Admiralty lent the destroyers, HM Ships Torbay and Toreador.  These ships were renamed respectively HMCS CHAMPLAIN and HMCS VANCOUVER.

The name “AURORA has not been used since in the Royal Canadian Navy although, as noted earlier, another cruiser with the name was built for the Royal Navy and launched at Portsmouth in 1936.

Battle honours for the name are as follows:

• Saint Lucia – 1778
• Minorca – 1798
• Guadeloupe – 1810
• China – 1900
• Dogger Bank – 1915
• Norway – 1940
• Bismarck Action – 1941
• Malta Convoys – 1941
• Mediterranean – 1941-43
• North Africa – 1942-43
• Sicily – 1943
• Salerno – 1943
• Aegean – 1943-44
• South France – 1944.

COMMANDING OFFICER HMCS AURORA

• 1 November 1920 to 1 July 1922
  Captain H. G. H. Adams, CBE, RN.

APPENDIX “A”
COMBINED EXERCISES BY NAVY, ARMY AND AIR FORCE,
22-24 AUGUST 1921

The object of the combined exercises was to act out the defence of Halifax Harbour during, first, a pre-supposed period of strained relations and, second, after hostilities had broken out.

Attacking the harbour was the Blue Force.  This was made up of the submarines CH-14 and CH-15 and, during the night of the 23^rd, of AURORA and the destroyers, PATRIOT and PATRICIAN.  The defenders were the Red Force, represented by AURORA and the destroyers, except on the night of the 23^rd, and the Fishery Protection vessels, ARLEUX and ARRAS.  These two trawlers represented the Examination Service and they were also fitted out for minesweeping.  Exercises involving both these duties were carried out by the ARLEUX and ARRAS.

The Air Force was represented by three flying boats which patrolled one at a time.  The Army had guns manned along the shores to resist any invasion from the sea.

On the 22^nd, the submarines were exercised in attacking AURORA, directing their torpedoes at the cruiser both on her leaving and entering harbour.

Daytime of the 23^rd was supposed to be a period of strained relations.  The submarines, as the Blue Force, patrolled the entrance of the harbour, observing shipping arriving and leaving port.  Ships of the Red Force entered and left harbour to give them observing exercises, while the aircraft kept up a patrol looking for them.

During the night, war was supposed to have been declared.  The Examination Service was not on duty and the approaches to the harbour were patrolled by imaginary auxiliary patrol vessels, it being understood that no boom had yet been set across the entrance to protect it.  PATRIOT was instructed to endeavour to enter the harbour by a “ruse de guerre”, making a signal as if she belonged to the defending force and wished to come in to make good urgent defects.  PATRICIAN was ordered to attempt to enter without lights or making signals.

The Commander-in-Charge and the Port War Signal Station at Camperdown were taken in by PATRIOT’s “ruse de guerre” and the destroyer would have succeeded in her attempt but for an examination vessel stopping her.  The smaller ship signalled to the shore defences which switched on searchlights and opened fire with blank shells.

PATRICIAN’s foray was not observed by the Port War Signal Station, but the examination vessel sighted her and gave the alarm, when searchlights were switched on and fire open immediately.

On the 24^th, AURORA enacted the role of a convoy approaching the harbour.  Submarines were known to be in the vicinity and the destroyers were sent out to meet her.  CH-15 sighted the supposed convoy and attacked.  As AURORA was zig-zagging and the range was outside 4000 yards, it was considered unlikely that a hit would have been registered.  It was felt, however, that with more practice the submarine would have been able to deliver an attack at a closer range.

The ships did not sight the attacker.  Although a flying boat located both submarines, communications, both radio and lamp flashing, between AURORA and the aircraft were never satisfactory.  The latter patrolled fifty miles out to sea and they maintained wireless communication, both Morse and voice, with the base.  They also released carrier pigeons and these birds conveyed their messages safely to the base.

Earlier, exercises had been planned for 25-26 August as well, but, save for those relating to minesweeping by the Fishery Protection vessels, they were cancelled.

(NS 1017-29-2)